Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Environmental Management

International Journal of Academic Research in Progressive Education and Development January 2013, Vol. 2, No. 1 ISSN: 2226-6348 19 Indigenous Knowledg...

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International Journal of Academic Research in Progressive Education and Development January 2013, Vol. 2, No. 1 ISSN: 2226-6348

Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Environmental Management: A Case Study of Zaka District, Masvingo Province, Zimbabwe Joshua Risiro Lecturer, Department of Curriculum Studies, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe Email: [email protected]

Doreen, T. Tshuma Lecturer, Department of Curriculum Studies, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe Email: [email protected]

Alphious Basikiti Geography Student, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe Email: [email protected] Abstract The purpose of the study was to find out forms of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) in practice in the Zaka District of Masvingo and how these forms of IKS can be used as an environmental management tool. A case study approach was used. The study used informant interviews, focus groups, participant observation and photographs to collect information. Purposive sampling was used to select community elders, clan elders and traditional leaders and healers who were believed to have in depth knowledge on traditional practices used in the area in the conservation of biodiversity. There are sacred places, taboos and totems that ensure conservation of natural resources in the study area. Certain trees and animals have got some taboos that save them from human exploitation. Selected clans are responsible for carrying out mukwerere (rain making) and mukuro (harvesting) ceremonies. The community is not allowed to harvest wild fruits and edible insects in the sacred places before the mukuro ceremony. Sacred wells have remained unpolluted and ensured continued supply of clean water. Mixed farming and stone ridging have been used to conserve soil. There is land degradation in areas not preserved by traditional practices and culture. A policy on IKS and integration of IKS in the school curriculum are important in resource conservation. The infusion of IKS and modern methods of resource conservation is recommended. Traditional leaders need to be empowered as custodians of natural resources in their communities. There is need to carry out more research on IKS in other areas of Zimbabwe. Keywords: Indigenous Knowledge Systems, sacred places, taboos, totems, traditional ceremonies, ancestral spirits

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Introduction This paper argues that colonisation and colonial education in Zimbabwe disregarded indigenous knowledge systems that are important in the conservation of biodiversity within indigenous societies. The colonisers in pursuit for local resources engaged in resource exploitation without much consideration of the cultural beliefs embedded within the local communities. This has resulted in rampant destruction of forests, animals and land degradation. Ausible [1994] cited in Brosius [1997] noted a link between destruction of cultural diversity and extinction of biological diversity. As native cultures disappear there is also a loss of knowledge of a way of living in a balance with the earth. The paper argues that the restoration, respect and adherence to cultural beliefs adopted by each community such as the role of mhondoro (ancestral spirits), zviera (taboos) and totems are effective tools in the management of the environment. There is need to give due importance to indigenous knowledge systems to safeguard our environment. The recent decades have been characterised by massive destruction of biodiversity due to rapid industrialisation, urban expansion and population pressure on land. The rapid industrial expansion meant more resources such as minerals, timber and animal products. In the wetter Eastern parts of Zimbabwe stretching from Nyanga to Chimanimani, tracts of land have been cleared to give way to timber, tea and coffee plantations. The drier South East Lowveld and the Zambezi valley have not been spared for commercial activities such as growing of cotton. Commercial lumbering, mining and urbanization has destroyed natural forests and displaced some animals while others died due to lack of proper habitats. The scramble for resources by colonialists in most developing countries encroached and destroyed indigenous preserved forests and animal species. Foreign invasions disregarded existing sacred places, taboos and cultural beliefs passed from one generation to another within the communities. Environmental degradation has seen various International Conferences aimed at protecting our environment yet the destruction of biodiversity is continuing unprecedented. Many countries including Zimbabwe have ratified the Convention on Biodiversity conservation, yet the implementation is a challenge. The major challenges to these International agreements among other factors are that, not all countries are signatories to the agreements; there is lack of follow up, financial constraints and lack of political will [UNEP, 2000]. These challenges leave a gap in environmental resource management. It is believed that if Governments give special attention to indigenous ways of resource conservation it would go a long way in achieving sustainable use of resources. This paper exposes some of the Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) that have been practised immemorial by the Kalanga people of Zaka district in Masvingo in order to manage and protect their environment from land degradation. Indigenous knowledge is the local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society. It is the basis for local decision making in agriculture, health, food education and environmental management [Warren, 1991]. It covers local, traditional, non-western beliefs, practices, and 20

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customs and usually refers to informal forms of knowledge [Horsthemke, 2004].It is the knowledge of people of a particular geographical area that has survived for a long period of time [Langil, 1999; Mapara, 2009]. According to Kalawole [2001] and Stone [2007] indigenous knowledge refers to what indigenous people know and do, and what they have known and done for generations, practices that have evolved through trial and error and proved flexible enough to cope with change. In many cases traditional knowledge has been orally passed for generations from one person to another and this can be expressed through stories, songs art and even laws. Leach and Mearns (1994; 32) suggest that “indigenous knowledge is frequently charged with being methodically wide….unproven populist or politically naive; and that it generates findings that are too complicated to be of practical use to policy makers”. Often western science and indigenous knowledge are seen as two different, competing knowledge systems, characterized by a binary divide. Western science is seen as being open, systematic and objective, dependent very much on being a detached centre of rationality and intelligence, whereas indigenous knowledge is seen as being closed, parochial, unintellectual, primitive and emotional (Mitchel, 1995; Herbert, 2000). Western knowledge therefore is seen as the whole notion of modernity, and IKS is regarded as part of a residual, traditional and backward way of life. However Davies (1994) and Kallard (2000) argue that indigenous knowledge has an advantage over western science in the context of poor communities, in that information is tested in the context of survival, and hence it is not just true or false in a dispassionate way (as western science might conclude), but is either more or less effective in providing the means of survival, a conclusion more meaningful in the context of everyday existence. Indigenous knowledge therefore becomes something very much driven by the pragmatic, utilitarian and everyday demands of life. The indigenous knowledge is thus dynamic and creative and experimental, constantly incorporating outside influences and inside innovations to meet new conditions. Indigenous knowledge can be called by various names such as indigenous knowledge of knowing [Mapara, 2009], traditional knowledge, rural knowledge as well as ethno science [Altieri,1995] Indigenous knowledge is therefore generated by a particular society within a geographical area and transmitted from one generation to another in order to provide solutions to the existing problems of that time. The introduction of Western education and Missionary activities watered down the value and respect given to indigenous education and cultural beliefs. Some of the cultural beliefs were regarded as primitive and superstitious. Nyati [2001] argues that indigenous people ended up believing that their IKS were inferior, pagan and evil. Devlin and Zettel [1999] aver that colonisation has resulted in most traditional practices being discarded. Eyong, Mufuaya and Foyi [2004] argue that IKS has suffered for decades from strategies of disinformation from western colonial education and religion. Prior to colonisation and import of western education indigenous people had education grounded in their culture, taboos, totems and respect for ancestral spirits. These would be passed from generation to another through story telling often done at night at padare (courtyard). These cultural beliefs respected and practised by indigenous people were on their own the custodians and legislators of environmental management. The fear for the unknown was good enough for one not to temper with sacred 21

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forests and other animal species. Tempering with sacred forests, taboos and totems had penalty to the offender such as illness, death, drought and disappearance. These ensured forests, water resources and animals were protected from destruction and extinction. Spiritual beliefs about the environment can influence how resources are managed. Local communities conserve the environment as they would not want to go against their beliefs [Langil, 1999]. In Zimbabwe the use of taboos, totems and sacred places have been used to protect and preserve the environment. Tatira [2000] observed that taboos have been used to maintain the values and respect for human life especially the endangered, small and powerless creatures such as pythons and pangolins. Taboos have penalties for the offenders such as failing rain if one kills a python [Chemhuru and Masaka, 2010]. Animals were also protected from extinction through various respects of totems. Each clan has got a totem belonging to an animal which the clan would not kill and eat. It is strongly believed eating one’s totem will result in loss of teeth [Bourdilon, 1976]. Taboos have also been used to conserve fruit trees. Some plant species such as muzhanje and mutohwe were not used for fire arguing that it would cause a lot of smoke yet the idea was that these were fruit trees not to be destroyed [Duri and Mapara, 2007].Water sources have also been kept clean and protected by adhering to taboos regarding to the use of water [Chemhuru and Masaka, 2010]. Worldwide, culture, religion and sacred places have contributed to environmental management. Studies in Western Ghats, Central and North Eastern India have shown that several plants and animals have been conserved in the sacred groves [Khan, Khumbongmayum and Tripathi, 2008]. Indigenous people had their own ways of conserving the environment apart from the use of sacred places, taboos and totems. Nomads practised nomadic herding to allow vegetation to regenerate. Shifting cultivation is being practised in the Amazon basin and by the Karen of Thailand in South East Asia. This has given enough time for the soil to regain its fertility [Burger, 1990] Indigenous people have been using IKS to solve environmental issues such as treatment of cattle ticks by the Fulani tribe and production of a better bean variety in Columbia and Rwanda [World Development Report,1998/99] Modern methods of biodiversity conservation in Zimbabwe Zimbabwe has responded to environmental problems by ratifying various International and Regional Conventions on environmental management in order to conserve the environment. The Convention of International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) was implemented through establishment of Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE). The programme involved local communities looking after their resources such as animals and forests and in turn benefit from the proceeds from these resources. The proceeds such as money from the sale of animals can be used for projects such as construction of schools. In 1995 Zimbabwe adopted the Convention on Biological Diversity and in 1996 ratified the Convention to combat Desertification. Its main focus was on irrigated crops, trees and livestock production in dry areas. The Montreal Protocol on Pollution and climate as well as Agenda 21 has been adopted in order to conserve the environment (UNEP, Global Environment Outlook, 2000; Chenje, Sola and Paleczny, 1998] 22

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The implementation of some of these International agreements was done through various educational programmes. These included Better Environmental Science Teaching (BEST) in which the science curriculum in schools included environmental issues (Chikunda, 2007] The Secondary Teacher Training Environmental Education Programme (STTEEP) was introduced in the three Secondary Teachers’ Colleges namely Mutare, Belvedere and Hillside. The main aim of the programme was to introduce environmental education in all subjects [STTEEP Project Document, 2003-2006] The report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Education Training [1999] saw the need for training people about environmental issues and to integrate environmental education into examinable subjects. Tertiary Institutions such as Great Zimbabwe University, Midlands State University and University of Zimbabwe all offer some courses on environmental management. There are institutions in Zimbabwe meant to conserve biodiversity. These include National Parks such as Chimanimani, Gonarezhou and Hwange National Parks. They are in place mainly to preserve and protect animals and vegetation. Botanical Gardens such Harare and forest reserves such as Rusitu and Chirinda forest have been used to conserve indigenous forests. However increased population pressure and need for agricultural land and settlement has caused untold deforestation, migration and extinction of some flora and fauna. There is a need therefore to develop a data base on indigenous knowledge related to environmental management. The modern and the traditional methods can be used together as environmental management tool in order to conserve biodiversity in a sustainable manner. Purpose of the Study The main purpose of the study was to explore the forms of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) practised in Zaka District of Masvingo and how they are used in resource conservation. There is extensive destruction of vegetation due to human activities, disappearance of animals, pollution and drying of rivers. There is strong need to provide solutions to reduce or prevent further land degradation. It is of importance to find ways of enhancing the contribution of indigenous knowledge in environmental conservation. Indigenous knowledge has been practised before and after colonialism. However there has been less regard to the importance of IKS as a result of Western education and beliefs that relegated IKS to the periphery in environmental management. The restoration, preservation and practice of IKS on environmental issues can improve biodiversity conservation. Documenting information on IKS and making it public will have the effect of influencing the local community and the nation to have a positive attitude and perceptions about IKS in resource conservation. People particularly the young, will appreciate and respect indigenous knowledge as an environmental management strategy. The research report becomes important in providing information, education and environmental awareness to the community at large. The sustainable use of the natural resources by the local community ensures continued availability for the resource for the future generations. Wild fruits such as mazhanje (uapaca kirklania), medicinal plants and insects such as harurwa (encostern delegorguel) are a source of livelihood for the people of 23

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Zaka and the surrounding District. Their continued availability is a source of food and income hence the need to conserve them. The research study is vital to environmentalists and ecologists in their campaigns against environmental degradation, poaching, pollution of water resources and overfishing which are prominent in the area. In trying to educate people who are conservative on new strategies on conservation, it is necessary to use indigenous knowledge as basis for understanding and appreciating new strategies on environmental management. Methods of blending the old and new strategies can be devised to conserve the environment. Rural communities such as those of Zaka are taught using known cultural traditions rather than imposing foreign strategies. There is a need to integrate all forms of knowledge for effective resource management. Indigenous knowledge on environmental issues needs to be incorporated into the curriculum in the secondary schools of Zimbabwe. Currently there is absence or little IKS on environmental management in the secondary education system in Zimbabwe. Data collection on IKS is the first step towards its incorporation into the education system. Information on indigenous knowledge is relevant and particular to different geographical areas hence the need to carry out research in different localities. The information becomes readily available to curriculum planners, conservanists and educationists. The Study Area Zaka District is situated in the south-eastern part of Zimbabwe, 86 kilometres from the Provincial city, Masvingo. It is found in agro ecological zone five (5) in the Lowveld of Zimbabwe that records between 600 – 800mm per annum. Rivers such as Chiredzi, Shange, Murerezi and Chivaka drain the area, thereby providing source of irrigation water in the region. It is semi-arid and interrupted by hills such as Bvuma, Chikona, Banya, Biri and Goto.Famous for harurwa (encostern delegorguel) and wild fruits like mazhanje (uapaca kirklania) is the sacred Bvuma Mountain whose vegetation has been conserved. The type of vegetation is largely acacia adapted to dry conditions with trees like msasa (brachystegia spiciformis), mnondo (julbernardia globiflora) and muunze (brachystegia tamarindoids) found on high ground such as mountains. The soils are generally poor formed from a hilly terrain. Subsistence farming is the main form of living. Farming is largely based on cattle and growing of resistant crops including sorghum, millet, groundnuts as well as maize. Irrigated farming provides the people with vegetables and green maize. Sale of wild fruits like mazhanje and insects such as harurwa provide extra income as well as vitamin c and proteins respectively, to many families. These are sold at Growth points like Jerera and Nyika. The people mainly practice Christianity and African Traditional Religion. Some clans are the custodians of certain cultures and practices. The Joto and the Matsai clans ensure that sacred hills, forests and wells are preserved. The clans are also involved in carrying out traditional ceremonies to thank the spirits for the wild fruits and insects before they are harvested. These practices have contributed to the conservation of natural resources in the area. 24

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Method of Study Informant interviews were used to collect information and the informants agreed to have their names used in the publication. An interview guide was prepared to solicit required information. Purposive sampling was used to select the informants. The sampling technique was selected as it provided the researcher the opportunity to access information from respondents that provided rich information [Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2011]. The elders, community leaders and Headman were selected for interview as they were regarded to have information on indigenous knowledge regarding environmental management. Interviews were appropriate since the study has been dealing with some respondents with limited education. In addition it allowed the interviewer to gather extra information exhibited through body and facial expressions [Gall, Borg and Gall, 1996] The interviews gave an opportunity to capture some attitudes and perceptions on Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS). The researchers also used participant observation. The researchers attended traditional ceremonies on mukwerere (rain making) which was performed by the Matsai clan. The ceremony was done in preparation for the rain season. The ceremony is expected to bring some rains resulting in luxuriant vegetation in the Chikona, Bvuma and other surrounding areas. The researchers also participated in the mutoro ceremony (fruit and insects harvesting ceremony) conducted by the Joto clan which give way to harvesting of harurwa and mandere (edible insects). Participant observation was effective as it allowed the researchers to collect first-hand information in a natural setting. Photographs on sacred places - conserved forests, hills and wells were taken to augment detailed descriptions given in the text. Focus groups were used to discuss the villagers’opinions, beliefs and perceptions on indigenous knowledge on environmental management. Villagers were able to express their views as they discussed in a group. The different forms of interviews enabled the researchers to assess the trustworthiness of data from different respondents. Results and Discussion Interviews with respondents were largely based on traditional methods practised by the local people in resource conservation. The traditional methods include taboos, ceremonies, totems and sacred places Makumucha (Village head) noted that: Kueresa zvinhu nezvemitupo kwakachengetedza gomo re Bvuma. (Sacred and taboos have helped in the conservation of Bvuma mountain forest). People are not allowed to cut trees or collect wild fruits before the mutoro ceremony is performed. Other places conserved because of their sacredness are Runinga and Banya forests. Mapara [2010] observed that taboos have been used traditionally in environmental management. Cox [1992] adds that sacred places were respected since failure to do so would bring calamity.

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It was found that Chikona hill is well forested since it is used as a cultural place for mukwererer [rainmaking making). Elders in this area perform rain making ceremonies as from September as people prepare for the rain season. Beer for the rainmaking ceremony is brewed by elderly women who no longer menstruate. The rukweza [rapoko] is used to brew the beer is soaked in water depressions called makuvi.When the beer is ready few selected elders of the VaMatsai totem go to the rain making sacred enclosure to perform the rain making ceremony. The rain making ceremony is essential as it brings rains that herald the insects such as harurwa, madora (caterpillars) and wild fruits such as mazhanje. The vegetation becomes dense and green as well. Photograph 1: Sacred enclosure in Chikona hills in Zaka

At the sacred enclosure, sacred temporary huts for the Mhondoro (medium spirits) are constructed upon which muzukuru mukuru (senior cousin) stirs the beer and give it to Vadzimu (Ancestral spirits) through pouring the beer in the curve and placing snuff on the grave of the eldest grandfather. The rest will then start to drink the beer from a clay pot.Mutaki, a Matsai elder emphasised and said: “Gomo re Chikona haripoterekwi, hamutemwi miti, uye hamupindwi ne vana vadiki kana vasiri ve mutupo we Matsai” (No one is allowed to cut trees or enter Chikona hills except people of the Matsai tribe).

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Mutaki reiterated that the hills had caves where the Matsai ancestors were buried. This emphasised the sacredness of the area leading to the conservation of flora and fauna in the Chikona hills. Conservation of resources such as forests in the Zaka is partly done by controlling the number of people entering the forest through respect of the ancestors buried in the forest, forbidding children that visit the shrine except the Matsai tribe and punitive measures to those who cut trees for firewood in the forest.

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The Sacred Bvuma Mountain The Bvuma Mountain is under the custody of the Joto of the Shumba (lion) totem. The mountain has dense forest as no one is allowed to temper with the vegetation either for domestic use or mineral prospecting. The mountain is famous for harurwa and mandere (rutelida spp) which are a source of food and income for the community as the insects are sold at growth points such as Nyika. Photograph 2: Dense forest of the sacred Bvuma Mountain

Gogo Mubati (a local elderly woman) noted that the Joto clan perform ceremony in which beer is brewed and poured under the pabiriro tree (a tree where mutoro ceremonies are held). After the ceremony the community start to harvest the insects, harurwa and mandere. Wild fruits such as mazhanje have taboos in regard to their harvesting. The fruits are harvested when they are ripe and throwing stones to harvest them is not allowed. The taboo helps to reduce waste and even damaging the plant. Gogo Mubati claimed that the Europeans failed to extract gold in the area due to mysterious occurrences in the mountain such as dug pits filled up again the next day. Whether true or not, it is such hair rising stories that help in the conservation of the forests. The harvesting of the insects after the mutoro ceremony ensures that insects are harvested only when mature and in 28

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abundance. This system protects insects from over harvesting and extinction. A particular clan is left to oversee the harvesting of the insects, thus avoiding over exploitation.

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Sacred Wells There are also sacred wells around Bvuma, Chikona and Runinga hills. The water from the sacred wells is fetched by water gourds. Metal objects and blackened clay pots are not allowed to collect water from the wells. It is believed that the wells have got njuzu (mermaids) such that if offended by using unaccepted utensils to collect water, the mermaids will make the water muddy or worse still the offender may be drowned or disappear into the waters. These myths and beliefs help maintain sacredness of these places thereby keeping the water unpolluted and conserved. The use of water gourds to fetch water is economic as little water is collected from the well at a time. Water gourds are also clean as opposed to blackened pots thereby leaving the water unpolluted after collection. Photograph 3.Children collecting water with water gourds at a sacred well

People are not also allowed to kill aquatic life such as frogs. Gogo Mubati observed that three wells have dried up due to failure by the local community to adhere to the traditions. She argued that the wells have dried up because the local community has fenced the wells, washed clothes using smelly soap and killing ancestral snake that lived in the water.

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Photograph 4: Fenced well that has dried up

Sekuru Chateya (elderly community leader) argued that: “vanhu vakavakira tsime zvisingabvumirwi nechinyakare, uye vakauraya nyoka yaigara mutsime ndosaka mvura yakapera mutsime” (People fenced the well against the traditions and killed an ancestral snake resulting in the drying up of the well). Aquatic life such as frogs are conserved through this way as killing them will bring calamities such as drying of wells. Conservation of trees for medicinal and warding evil spirits In Zaka district some plant species are planted around homes with the belief that they ward off lightning and evil spirits. Some plants are used for medicinal purposes. Gogo Mubati acknowledged that: “ndakasima muti uyu, mudovoti, kudzinga nyoka pamusha, zvidhoma uye kudzivirira mombe dzangu kuti dzisasvodza (I planted this plant since it scares away snakes, evil spirits and miscarriages on cows). However some homes did not have such plants due to belief in Christianity. Various taboos are taken care of before extracting medicinal herbs. Exposed plant roots are covered with soil. The 31

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bark is extracted from the east and west parts of the tree trunk. VaMachenga (elderly man) reiterated that: “kana tachera mudziwemushonga, tinofushiragomba racho kuti muti usafa ugobuda zvakare” (After collecting herbal roots we cover the roots so that the plants do not die). Medicinal herbs should continue to survive after extraction. It is believed that the ill person is not going to get cured if the plant dies. This belief ensured that traditional healers would not destroy the whole plant when extracting medicine from plants. Nyota and Mapara (2010) posit that n’anga collected part of the plant to avoid extinction and destruction of plants. Table 1: Role of Taboos in the Conservation of Vegetation Type of Tree Mukamba(pod mahogany); Muonde(fig tree); Mushakata (parinari curatellifolia)

Taboo It is not allowed to be chopped for domestic use such as firewood

Mutarara(lacaniodiscus Fraxinifolinus)

It is not used for domestic purposes

Murungu(lucky bean tree); Mupanda

It is not cut down for use at the home Not cut for firewood

Mvuko

Gonde

Not to be used for firewood

Muzhanje/mushuku(uapaca kirklania)

Fruit trees are not cut down for any use such as firewood Not used as firewood or brought to the home

Muzeze africanum)

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(peltiforum

Traditional belief Traditional ceremonies are done under any of these trees. They are associated with ancestral spirits It is placed on a grave after burial. Witches get confused if they attempt to exhume the body It is planted on graves. As it grows it signifies life for the dead Planted on graves to allow the dead to avenge his/her killer Planted at the homestead to ward off lightning Mishaps; crops can be consumed by wild animals Bring in evil spirits and confusion at the home; causes decay of pumpkins

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Mutovhoti(spirostactiys) Munyamharadza Mushuma(diosphyros mespiliformis)

Not used to build a house Not used or brought home Not used for firewood

One will abandon the home before too long Causes separation of married couples Its smoke causes blindness

Trees played different functions in the local communities they were found. Some plant species survived extinction because of the role they play. These trees could be categorised according to the role they played: Trees associated with Ancestral Spirits: These trees include mushakata, muonde and mukamba. Traditional ceremonies such as mukwerere (rainmaking) are often done under these. The trees grow big and therefore offer shade. They were also used as dare (court yard) where domestic issues are discussed. The Chief also meet and preside over cases brought to him under these trees. Trees associated with the dead: After burial, a branch of mutarara or mushozhowa tree is placed at the top of the grave. This was aimed at confusing the witchcraft from exhuming the body of the dead. The mvuko is planted on the grave in order to cause the dead to avenge against the killer. The growth of mupanda on the grave symbolised life for the departed. These trees are conserved for the role they played for the dead. Fruit trees: These are protected from destruction as they are sources of food to the community. Mazhanje are not allowed to be harvested before they are ripe. Chakata provides nutritious fruits especially during the time of drought hence their coservation. Medicinal Plants: Trees such as mubvumaropa is used as a medicine for various illnesses such as sexually related disease. The traditional healers used only part of the plant such as the bark or root. Homestead protection plants: Trees such as gonde are grown at the home to protect the homestead from lightning. The trees are therefore very useful to warrant their conservation. Conservation of soil The main forms of soil conservation in the area under study are through practising manje (zero tillage) and intercropping. Zero tillage involves digging some holes where the seeds are planted and leave the other areas intact. This conserves the soil structure and soil fertility as well as reducing soil erosion. Marozhi (Stone ridging) was another form of soil conservation used in the area. Mixed farming in which different seeds are planted in the same field was regarded as an effective method of soil conservation. Mr Chuma, a local farmer had this to say:

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”kurima mbeu zhinji mumunda zvinochengetedza ivhu uye kupedza udyi pamwe nekuwedzera goho” (Mixed farming conserves the soil and reduce pests as well as increasing crop yield). Reiss and Chapungu (2000) argue that intercropping is believed to reduce pest damage by 80%. Bench terracing is a long standing indigenous farming practice used to conserve and manage soil moisture. The terraces reduce water velocity and allow water to sink into the soil. The break in water flow reduces soil erosion.

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Photograph 5: Bench terracing in ward 21 Chemhazha village

The villagers in Chemazha village use stones to form a ridge that breaks the flow of running water and reduce loss of water from runoff. Bench terracing has allowed the locals to cultivate on steep slopes. Conclusion There are various forms of indigenous knowledge systems practised in Zaka District of Masvingo that assist in the conservation of the environment. These are sacred places, taboos and totems. Bvuma, Chikona, and Runinga hills are some of the sacred places. In these forested hills there are ancestors who have been buried in the caves. The sacred places have got dense forest consisting of high plant species and wild animals. In these densely forested hills there are wild fruits such as mazhanje as well as edible insects namely madora, harurwa and a variety of bird species. The forests conservation lies on the cultural belief that there are Vadzimu (ancestral spirits) in these forests and hills. It is believed they are the ones that offer the fruits, edible insects and water from the wells found in these hills. Sounds of drum beating have been reported to be heard whenever the ancestral spirits want something from the people such as beer. In Zindora area there is a sacred well that has remained unpolluted and ever flowing due to the respect of taboos in regard to collecting water from the well. The locals also have a strong belief that within the wells there are mermaids that can make you disappear if water is 35

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polluted or if any of these taboos is not respected. At the sacred well metal objects and utensils with soot are not allowed to be used in fetching water at the well. Water had dried up in those wells where the locals have fenced the well or killed aquatic animals such as frogs. Selected clans of the Joto and Matsai have got the right to carry out rain making and mutoro ceremonies in the Bvuma and Chikona hills. Wild fruits and edible insects are only harvested and eaten after the ceremony has been carried out. This ensures that only ripe fruits are harvested. There are taboos regarding the harvesting of wild fruits. It is only the ripen fruits which are harvested. There is no throwing of stones to make the fruits fall. The selected clans are the custodians of the sacred places. They ensure that there is no rampant destruction of vegetation and killing of animals in the forests. Traditional healers extract part of the plant for medicine. This gives the continued survival of the plant at the same time, healing of the patient. This has resulted in sustainable use of the plant species. The locals earn a living from the sale of wild fruits and edible insects obtained in the sacred areas. There is evidence of land degradation in areas where traditional beliefs in ancestral spirits and sacredness are not practised. There is farming on steep slopes resulting in soil erosion and siltation of rivers and dams. There are challenges to the use of traditional practices in conserving the environment. Most of the young generation regard indigenous knowledge on environmental management as primitive and old fashioned tradition practised by the less educated and elderly. However there is strong belief in traditional practices among the elderly population Christianity beliefs in the area are a major challenge. The Christian community does not accept brewing beer for the ancestors during ceremonies such as mutoro (fruit harvesting ceremony). There are different indigenous knowledge systems practised in the community of Zaka. These traditional practices have been effective environmental management tools in those areas regarded as sacred. There is a challenge on IKS in environmental management from the young generation and from the Christian teachings and beliefs. Recommendations In view of the research findings and conclusion, it is recommended that Indigenous knowledge systems policy be put in place in Zimbabwe. This would guide the activities on indigenous knowledge. The Government can then give financial and human resources to support indigenous knowledge within communities. At present Zimbabwe does not have a policy specifically on indigenous knowledge. There should be fund budgeted to assist institutions that carry out programmes on indigenous knowledge in areas such as research, workshops and conferences on the subject matter. This 36

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would allow local communities to appreciate local traditions and culture. The young generation needs to keep informed and encouraged on adopting IKS on environmental issues. The study recommends integrating indigenous knowledge systems into the school curriculum so that all age groups are exposed to IKS in order to appreciate our culture and traditions. The existing curriculum except a little in the languages, do not have content on conservation of resources using IKS. There is a need to produce literature on IKS for different places in Zimbabwe since some traditional practices are peculiar to specific geographical areas. Government Ministries that deal with environmental conservation need to work together with local communities and Traditional leaders on environmental management issues. Indigenous ways of conservation could be fused with modern methods of biodiversity conservation in order to achieve sustainable use of resources. Traditional leaders and medium spirits should be empowered through legislation to be the custodians of our traditions and natural resources within their communities. The study was confined to a small geographical area, one District in Zimbabwe. The findings cannot be generalised to all other districts. Traditional methods on environmental management are specific and applicable to the area in question. There is therefore a need to carry out similar research in other regions in order to produce a comprehensive record on how IKS can be used in resource conservation. References Altieri, M, A. [1995] The Significance of Diversity in the Maintenance of the Sustainability of Traditional Agro ecosystems: Intermediate Technology Publications. Bourdillon, M, F, and C. [1976)] The Shona Peoples: An Ethnography of the Contemporary Shona with special reference to their religion, Gweru: Mambo Press. Brosius, J, P. [1997] Human Ecology, Vol, 25, Number 1, 1997. Burger, J. [1990] The Gaia Atlas of First Peoples: A future for the Indigenous World, Penguin Books, p 40 -44. Chenje, M; Sola, L. and Paleczny, D. [1998] The State of Zimbabwe’s, Harare: Ministry of Mines, Environment and Tourism. Chikunda, J. [2007] Zimbabwe’s Better Environmental Science Teaching Programme: A step Towards Education for Sustainable Development. In Southern African Journal of Environmental Education, Volume 24, 158 – 170. Cinner, J, E. [2007] The role of taboos in conserving coastal resources in Madagascar In SPC Traditional Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin, Number 22. Cohen, L; Manion, L. and Morrison, K. [2011] Research Methods in Education, London and New York: Routledge. Cox, L, J. [1992)] Expressing the sacred: An Introduction to the Phenomenology of Religion, Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications. Davis, S. [1994] Information Knowledge and Power.IDS Bulletin 25 p.1 -13 Devilin, J, F. And Zettel, T. [1999] Eco agriculture Initiatives in Eastern and Southern Africa, 37

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Harare: Weaver Press. Duri, F.and Mapara, J. [2007] Environmental Awareness and Management in Pre-Colonial Zimbabwe. Journal of Geographical Research, 1[2], 98-111. Eyong, C, T; Mufuaya, M. and Foy, I, I. [2004] Literature and Culture –The Sustainability Connection from an African Perspective. In Regional Sustainable Development Review: Africa, Oxford: Eolss Publishers. Gall, M; Borg, W, R. and Gall, J, P. [1996] Educational Research: An Introduction, New York: Longman Publishers. Herbert, S. [2000] For Ethnography. Progress in Human Geography 24, p550 -568. Horsthemke, K. [2004] “Indigenous Knowledge”- Conceptions and Misconceptions. In Journal of Education, Number 32, 2004. Kalawole, O, P. [2001] Local Knowledge Utilization and Sustainable Rural Development in the 21st Century. Indigenous Knowledge Monitor 9[3] November, 2001. Kallard, A. [2000] Indigenous Knowledge: Prospects and Limitations in Ellen, R, Parkes, P and Bicker, A [Eds].Indigenous Environmental Knowledge and Its Trasformations, Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers. 1 -33. Khan, M, L; Khumbongmayum, A, D. And Triphathi, R, S. [2008].The Sacred Grooves and Their Significance in Conserving Biodiversity: An Overview. International Journal of Ecology and Environmental Sciences, 34[3], 277 -291. Langil, S. [1999] Introduction to Indigenous Knowledge, Jadpur: Student edition. Leach, M and Mearns, R. [Eds] [1996] The use of the land: Challenging received wisdom in the African Environments, London International African Institute. Mapara, J. [2009] Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Zimbabwe: Juxtaposing Post Colonial Theory. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 3[1], 139-155. Mitchel, T. [1995] The object of Development: America’s Egypt. In Crush, J. [Ed] Power of Development, London: Routledge, p129 -157. Munamato, C. and Masaka, D. [2010] Taboos as Sources of Shona People’s Environmental Ethics. In Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, Vol, 12 Number 7 Nyati, P. [2001] Traditional Ceremonies of AmaNdebele.Gweru: Mambo Press Reiss, M. and Chapungu, J. [2000] Environmental Biology, New York: Cambridge University Press. Stone, G, D. [2007] Agriculture Deskilling and the spread of genetically modified cotton .In Warrangil Current Anthropology. Tatira, L. [2000] The Role of Zviera in Socialisation. In Chiwome, E; Mguni, Z and Furusa, M. (Eds) Indigenous knowledge in Africa and Diaspora Communities, p. 146 151, Harare: University of Zimbabwe. UNEP. [2000] UNEP, Global Environment Outlook, 2000’ Warren, D.M. [1991]. Using Indigenous in Agricultural Development. World Bank Discussion Paper. Number 127. Washington, D.C. World Development Report, 1998/99. Informants Gogo Mubati [A local Elderly Woman] Makumucha [Village Head] 38

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Mutaki [Matsai Elder] Sekuru Chateya [Community Elder] VaChuma [Local Farmer] VaMachenga [Community Elder]

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