Rizal and the Ilustrados in Spain - Scalabrini Migration Center

Rizal and the Ilustrados in Spain* Noel V. Teodoro University of the Philippines

This article focuses on the experiences of the ilustrados as exiles in Spain. Censorship was an important factor in the decision of several ilustrados to leave the country. In addition to the notable propagandistas, Jaena, del Pilar, and Rizal, the article also mentions others who were part of the Filipino community in Spain. In their campaign for reforms, the ilustrados worked hard to correct racist images drawn by Spanish writers about the Philippines and the Filipinos. Together with progressive Spaniards, they presented their demands for assimilation, good governance, and representation in the Cortés. The newspaper La solidaridad and the founding of masonic organizations were the venues for the reforms waged by the ilustrados. Rizal later concluded that they needed to return to the Motherland and to initiate change from within.

At the outset, it is important to highlight the statement of Jose Rizal to Mariano Ponce and the editorial staff of La solidaridad in his letter of April 18, 1889 regarding the events of 1872, particularly the execution of the three priests, Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos and Jacinto Zamora who were implicated in the uprising of the workers in the arsenal of Cavite: If it were not for the events of 1872 there would not have been a Plaridel, or a Jaena, or a Sancianco or the great and noble Filipino society in Europe would have not been formed. If not for the events of 1872, Rizal would have been a Jesuit and instead of writing the Noli me tangere, he would have written the opposite of it. The reign

* Translated from Pilipino.

Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1999

65

66

ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

of injustice and wickedness opened my mind and I vowed to myself to someday avenge for the victims and the aggrieved… (Guerrero, 1969:508). It is clear from the quotation that the year 1872 was significant to the Filipinos who left, if not fled, to Spain to escape the conservatism of the prevailing social order. The climate of persecution and oppression was not conducive to the Filipino ilustrados who espoused patriotism and nationalism through progressive and liberal ideas. This development challenged the monastic authority or frailocracia, the backbone of the reactionary colonial government. The prolonged colonization of Spain gave birth to a backward society. Education was weak and stagnant, since, according to a Franciscan friar, the Filipino Indio did not need it because it was not important for the attainment of glory in heaven (Bustamante, 1996, 1885). It is not good for the Indio, he said, to separate from his carabao in order to waste his time studying in Manila (more so outside the country after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869) because, when he returns to his place of origin, he becomes a treacherous man, meaning an enemy of the state, of the church and those in power. Another obstacle to the progress of knowledge and education was the Comisión permanente de censura (Permanent Commission of Censors) which was established on October 7, 1856 (Agoncillo, 1974:13; Retana, 1965). All printings and publications, newspapers and magazines, books, various other forms of publications, shows, and even materials which contained drawings and engravings, were subject to the scrutiny of the censors. Often, the reason for censorship, especially texts which contained new and “dangerous” ideas like “pantheism” and “materialism,” were shallow and unjustified (Mojares,1983:110). Censorship inflicted great damage to the intellectual freedom of writers and because of this, the Filipino ilustrados campaigned to have it abolished in the soonest time possible (Agoncillo, 1974). In a report by W.E. Retana, a certain Georgel was quoted as saying: “the oppressed always demand the right to freedom of the press while the oppressor and the unjust demand the right to censorship” (Retana, 1965). The author ended his report by saying that there was only one comment or observation that can be made in relation to the senseless censorship in the archipelago: that in the Philippines, works which are worthless and full of stupidity are the ones which pass censorship — like Fr. Casimiro Herrero’s El Capitán Juan (Captain Juan) and Fr. Miguel Lucio Bustamante’s Tandang Basio Macunat (Miserly Old Basio), well known documents on racism during the 19th century (Salazar, 1998). These works did nothing but speak

RIZAL AND THE ILUSTRADOS IN SPAIN

67

of negative values like sorrow, the lowliness and weaknesses of the Brown (Filipino) race. As such, the Brown race will have to bow down to the superiority of the white race to which the former is indebted for the logic, morality and religion which saved the Indio during the dark ages (Salazar, 1983), when he was pictured as a cimarron (wild) and salvaje (barbaric), wild and uncivilized in the minds of those from the west. Related to this, it can be recalled that in 1889, on the occasion of the Paris Exposition (Schumacher, 1973), Rizal founded the Indios Bravos (“The Noble Indios” not wild nor savages!), the primary objective of which was to uplift and promote the esteem of the Filipinos by highlighting their positive traits, with the hope that this would convince the Spaniards to correct their derogatory views of the Indio and change their views of the colonized country.

The Filipino Community in Spain The Filipino ilustrados, who were not only Indios but also beasts in the eyes of the arrogant Spanish colonizers, did not fight their battles in the Philippines but instead went to Spain to ask for assimilation and campaigned to make the Philippines a province of Spain, which would establish equality between the Spaniards and the Filipinos. It should be noted that before Rizal, and the Indios Bravos association which he founded, there were already Filipinos living in Europe. Among them were the Taveras of Paris, the woman painter Pelagia Mendoza, who traveled to Europe during the 1880s, the Regidors of Madrid and London (Joaquin, 1981:40), Pedro Paterno (of Salamanca, and later of Madrid), Gregorio Sancianco (in Madrid). Pedro Paterno was the son of Maximo Paterno, a rich businessman from Manila who was exiled to the Marianas in 1872. Pedro Paterno studied philosophy and theology in Salamanca, and he continued to live in Madrid after getting his doctorate in law in 1880 at the Universidad Central de Madrid. His house was usually the venue of reunion artisticas, where prominent persons in the field of letters and politics of Spain gathered (Schumacher, 1973:21). On these occasions, Paterno read his poems which he compiled in 1880 in a book entitled Sampaguitas, which became part of the collection Biblioteca Filipina. The latter aimed to make known to the Spanish audience the achievements of the Filipino youth. Paterno’s endeavors to make known the origins of the indigenous culture and prehispanic society were intended to show that the Filipinos had a certain level of civilization which could equal if not surpass that of the Spaniards. These works, published in Madrid, included the following: La antigua civilización tagala (“Ancient Tagalog Civilization,”1887); Los itas (“The Aetas,” 1890); El Cristianismo en la antigua civilización Tagalog (“Christianity in the Ancient Tagalog Civilization,” 1892), which suggested that Christianity was al-

68


ready in the Philippines in the form of “bathalismo” (worship of Bathala or Supreme Creator) before the arrival of the Spaniards; La familia tagálo en la historia universal (“The Tagalog Family in World History,” 1892), which discussed the high level of morality and marriage traditions of pre-hispanic Filipinos; and El barangay (“The Barangay,” 1892), which dealt with prehispanic forms of government in the Tagalog kingdom based on principles of democracy and “bathalismo” and some characteristics of monarchy (Schumacher, 1973). Paterno was also recognized because of his novel entitled, Ninay: Costumbres filipinas (“Ninay: Filipino Traditions,” Madrid, 1885), which described the way of life of a gentle race or Tagalog royalty, regarded as a model of manners and an advanced culture from indigenous as well as borrowed elements from other cultures. Also highly esteemed was the lawyer Gregorio Sancianco y Goson, a half Chinese from Malabon, because of his book El progreso de Filipinas (“The Progress of the Philippines,” Madrid 1881) (Sancianco, 1975). In this work, Sancianco explained (predating Rizal’s essay, Sobre la indolencia de los Filipinos, La solidaridad, 1890) that indolence or laziness was the outright response of the ordinary Filipino against the long period of oppression and dominance not only of the Spaniards but also of their fellow citizens who were close to those in power. From his point of view the progress of the Philippines should be gauged by the freedom of the ordinary citizen from the shackles of dominance and excessive taxes. His capability can only be improved through education, technology, social programs, liberal laws and economic development. According to one historian: “Gregorio Sancianco paved the way for reforms when he published … El progreso de Filipinas … which opposed the shortcomings of the colonial government in economics, way of thinking and morality.” Almost all the revenues collected by the government, according to Sancianco, went to the military and other purposes which do not bring prosperity to the Philippines. On the other hand, the money spent on the nautical academy, the academy of arts, and the botanical garden was minimal, 208,475.32 pesos only, while the amount for the military reached 3,677,534.49 pesos. Clearly, the colonial government was spending money on matters which were not so important. The data presented by Sancianco indeed showed that the military had a bigger budget because the colonial government was afraid of the danger of the rising discontent in the Philippines, hence the need for a larger force. Other than this, there was a need to provide jobs to Spanish soldiers who were neglected in Spain (Agoncillo, 1980:147). He also added that “the budget of the government before the revolution of 1896 erupted had the same intention: the military’s budget was bigger than the other services and branches of government. The military’s budget increased from more than three million in 1880-81 to more than four million in 1896. Because of


69

this, the coffers of the country were almost empty, and instead of a surplus, the country had to contend with deficits … because it was always in deficit, the Philippines was constantly wallowing in poverty” (Agoncillo, 1980). It is important to mention at this point the statement of Jaime C. de Veyra that the Filipinos in Spain came from the different regions of the archipelago (Jaena, 1974:xvi). Julio Llorente, a native of Cebu, finished his doctorate in law in Madrid while writing for La solidaridad. Valentin Ventura, who gave financial help to Rizal for the publication of his second novel, El filibusterismo, was from Bacolor, Pampanga, and died in Barcelona in 1935 (Quirino, 1995:201). Francisco Liongson, who also studied in Madrid (Larkin, 1993:160-161), was Ventura’s townmate. Jose Maria Panganiban was from Mambulao (now Jose Ma. Panganiban), Camarines Norte. He also wrote for La solidaridad, and like Jaena and Ventura, died in Barcelona on August 19, 1890 due to tuberculosis (Quirino, 1995:159-160). From Vigan, Ilocos Sur came Isabelo de los Reyes, the founder of the bilingual newspaper El Ilocano. He was exiled to Barcelona because of his links with the Katipunan. His historical and anthropological works could be compared with the works of Paterno and Rizal (specifically, the latter’s annotation of Morga’s Sucesos de las islas filipinas), wherein he discussed that the ancient Philippine society had a culture and a civilization that he could be proud of. Isabelo de los Reyes published from 1887 to 1909 the following cultural studies: Filipinas: Articulos varios; Ilocandas: Varios trabajos literarios; Las Visayas en la época de la conquista; El folklore filipino; Historia de Filipinas; Historia de Ilocos; and La religion antigua de los filipinos. The brothers Manuel and Juan Luna y Novicio (who died of heart attack in Hong Kong on December 7, 1899) were born in Badok, Ilocos Norte. The latter was known for his painting called “Spoliarium,” which was awarded the gold medal in the Exposicion de bellas artes, held in Madrid in 1884. Jose Torres Bugallon of Salasa, Pangasinan, became a pensionado and scholar in the Military Academy (Toledo) in 1892. Telesforo Sucgang who came from Banga, Capiz (Banga is now part of Aklan), was a historical painter, religious sculptor, and musical composer, who became a pensionado for four years in Madrid (Manuel, 1955:437-440). Sucgang highlighted the theme of Spain in the Philippines which was related to the program of assimilation of the ilustrados through several paintings — El desembarco de Magallanes (1888), La llegada de Legazpi y Urdaneta, and La llegada del correo espanol el la bahia de Manila (1887). Was there a deeper meaning in Sucgang’s use of the words desembarco (landing) and llegada (arrival)? Was this a form of celebration of the “landing” or “arrival” of western civilization which were symbolized by Magallanes, Legazpi and Urdaneta, the messengers and emissaries of the forces of “light” which imposed itself on the “oriental” civilization, the indigenous society which Spain now refuses to embrace or assimilate?

70


The absence of a representative from Mindanao is very apparent. It is also notable that many came from the Tagalog region and Manila, which was the center of the colonial power: Gregorio Sancianco (Malabon), Jose Albert (Binondo), Pedro Paterno (Quiapo), Teodoro Sandiko (Pandacan), Moises Salvador (San Sebastian, Quiapo), Antonio Luna (born in Binondo although his ancestors were Ilocano), Rafael del Pan (Intramuros), Pablo Rianzares (Biñan), Manuel Araullo (Manila), Jose Maria Asuncion (Sta. Cruz, Manila), Fernando Canon (Biñan), Mariano V. del Rosario (Intramuros), Joaquin Gonzalez, (Baliwag, Bulacan), Edilberto Evangelista (Sta. Cruz, Manila), and Mariano Ponce (born in Bulacan, died in Hong Kong in 1918). Ponce published in 1887 his Folklore Bulakeño, a series of articles in the Spanish periodical, La oceania española (Zaide, 1968:62). Maximo Viola, who helped Rizal in the printing of Noli me tangere, was from San Miguel, Bulacan. He finished medicine at the University of Barcelona (Zaide, 1968:203-204). Dominador Gomez (1868-1929) was born and died in Manila. He wrote and used the pen name “Ramiro Franco” in La solidaridad. Upon his return to Manila, he became a leader of the Union Obrera Democratica de Filipinas (UODF), which was founded by Isabelo de los Reyes. Joaquin Gonzalez, from Baliwag, Bulacan, obtained his licenciate from the University of Villadolid, and the medical degree from the Universidad Central de Madrid. Felix Resurrecion Hidalgo (born in Binondo in 1853) also died in Barcelona (1913). He was known for his painting Virgenes cristianas expuestas al populacho. Galicano Apacible, who became president of the Barcelona-based organization, La solidaridad, the same name as the newspaper of the Propaganda Movement, was born in Hacienda de Nasugbu, Batangas. Jose Rizal came from the town of Calamba, Laguna, the erstwhile hacienda of the Dominican priests where his parents served as tenants.

“Diego Laura,” “Dolores Manapat” and “Dimasalang” Among the three expatriates after Sancianco – G.L. Jaena, M.H. del Pilar, J. Rizal – it was Jaena, the author of the provocative literary work entitled Fray Botod (1874), who first arrived in Spain in 1880 to study medicine at the University of Valencia but did not finish because he became busy with journalism (Jaena, 1974:195-219). Jaena founded in Barcelona in February 1889 the newspaper La solidaridad whose program was, “…Aside from being simple, our program is clear: fight the reaction, stop any effort that hinders progress, encourage and strengthen liberal thinking, defend the progressive movement. In short, to be a disseminator of democratic ideas so that they will flourish here and in other countries… It is the aim, in other words, of La solidaridad to gather and publish liberal ideas which are


71

present in the areas of politics, science, arts, literature, economy, agriculture and industry… La solidaridad shall promote the just and legitimate aspirations of Spanish provinces across the seas, proclaim their needs and expose their problems needing solution… Regarding the Philippines, because these islands need full protection due to the absence of representation in the Cortés, we shall give her special attention, and through this, we can fulfill the patriotic duty in defending democratic principles in the archipelago… This province, which is inhabited by eight (8) million people, should not remain as a land ruled or colonized by theocracy and traditionalism” (Jaena, 1974:220-222; Agoncillo, 1980:150-151). Jaena eventually left the work in La solidaridad. In his letter dated July 2, 1889 to Miguel Morayta Sagrario, a well known mason, leader of the Anti-clerical League and a history professor at the Central Universidad de Madrid, Jaena mentioned his plan to go to America. This did not push through because of lack of funds and his active involvement with the Progressive Republicans in Barcelona. One of the leaders of this organization, Juan Sol y Ortega, became a supporter of Jaena. Jaena’s plan to go to Cuba did not also push through when Manuel Becerra of the Ministerio de Ultramar withdrew permission for Jaena to go to Spain’s colony in the Caribbean. He continued his active participation in republican organizations in Barcelona and contributed to newspapers such as La publicidad (where Rizal also wrote an article or two) and El látigo nacional (which firmly believed that human will and freedom are more powerful than a hundred oppressions). Events in the Philippines were not given due attention in these papers, and the editorial staff promised that they will disseminate information on republican programs in the colonies, including developments concerning citizenship rights in the Spanish empire. Back then, Jaena (together with other Filipinos like Pedro Govantes y Azcarraga and Tomas del Rosario) interacted with Spanish journalists like Jesus Pando y Valle, editor of Los dos mundos, where he published an article criticizing the defective system of taxation, forced labor and caciquismo. In an article which came out on January 28, 1885 Jaena defended Govantes and Eduardo de Lete, who previously published in the pro-republican El globo (Madrid) articles which discussed the weaknesses of the government and the church in the Philippines. Together with Rizal, Jaena also wrote in the radical republican newspaper El progreso. He also debated with the conservative editorial staff of La época and La correspondencia de España in the newspaper El porvenir of Manuel Ruiz Zorilla, a progressive republican. In July 1891, with the support of the Comité de propaganda (which became Hermandad de San Patricio in Manila, headed by Pedro Serrano Laktaw of Malolos, Bulacan), Jaena secretly returned to Manila for four days, using the alias Diego Laura. Afraid of being caught, he escaped –

72


pretending to be a sailor – to Barcelona. He relayed to Rizal the proposal of Basilio Teodoro of Bulacan, a colleague of M.H. de Pilar in the newspaper Diariong Tagalog, to continue the journey to Europe and America to know the sentiments and views of other western countries regarding the situation in the Philippines (Schumacher, 1973:244-245). However, towards the end of October 1891, he started to pour out his ill feelings towards M.H. del Pilar and Mariano Ponce whom he called patrioteros or “exaggerated” or “overacting” patriots, who according to him, were just using patriotism for their own interests (Schumacher, 1973:260). Since then, he slowly withdrew from his group and focused his time pursuing his ambition to be elected as a representative to the Cortés, with the help of Filipinos and pro-republican Spaniards in Barcelona. Jaena unabashedly stated, “…Undoubtedly, only personal interest pushed me to aspire to be a representative in the Cortés, nothing more. If it is realized, I can no longer fight for the attainment of independence and rights of the Filipinos. The Philippines has to secure these, including independence, through blood… If I want to become a representative, my only aim is to be able to say proudly that a Filipino was elected by the Spaniards in a Spanish district.” However, the launching of his candidacy did not push through. He was also unable to go back to Jaro (Iloilo). On January 20, 1896, Jaena died of tuberculosis in Barcelona, where the Discursos y articulos varios containing his speeches and articles was published in 1891. General Jose Alejandro, a Kapampangan, who studied chemical and industrial engineering in Ghent, Belgium, and who also wrote in the La solidaridad, allotted a few pages in his book La senda del sacrificio, for Graciano López Jaena, orator of the Propaganda Movement (Alejandrino, 1949). Considered as the most effective propagandist, Marcelo H. del Pilar was born in Bulacan, Bulacan, on August 30, 1850, but also died in Barcelona on July 4, 1896. Other than his nom de plume “Plaridel,” he also used the pen names “Dolores Manapat” and “Piping Dilat.” It was practical and useful for the Filipino ilustrados in Spain to use pen names in order to protect their families and relatives in the Philippines from reprisals that could be launched by those in power, who were the objects of criticism in La solidaridad.1 Before going to Spain in October 1888 to escape persecution, M.H. del Pilar was already known as the foremost leader of the Propaganda Movement in the Philippines. He co-founded, with Basilio Teodoro y Moran, the bilingual (Tagalog-Spanish) Diariong Tagalog, in 1882. Among 1. Other writers for La solidaridad also used pen names: Jose Rizal (Dimasalang/Laon Laan), Antonio Luna (Taga-Ilog), Jose Ma. Panganiban (Jomapa), Dominador Gomez (Ramiro Franco), Mariano Ponce (Kalipulako/Tikbalang) (Zaide, 1968:32).


73

others, the said newspaper published Jose Rizal’s article, El Amor Patrio (“Patriotism”), which del Pilar translated into Tagalog. In 1870, while a student of law at the University of Santo Tomas (he finished in 1880), he fought with the parish priest of San Miguel, Manila over the exorbitant baptismal fees charged by the Spanish friar. This was perhaps his first ever personal encounter with the frailocracia and colonial power, the same ones who were behind the deportation of his older brother, the secular priest Fr. Toribio H. del Pilar (Schumacher, 1981:24), to Guam due to his alleged involvement in the Cavite uprising in 1872 (Schumacher, 1973). Plaridel criticized and attacked the monastic authority, which he considered harmful and a real obstacle to good governance, in literary works in Tagalog or Spanish. Some of them were written as poems such as Pasiong Dapat Ipag-alab ng Puso ng Taong Baba sa Kalupitan ng Fraile (“Passion that Should Burn in the Hearts of the Lowly People Oppressed by the Friar”) Dupluhan, Sagot nang España sa Hibik ng Pilipinas (“Spain’s Reply to the Cry of the Philippines,”); some were parodies, for example, Dasalan at Toksohan (“Prayer and Jest”), Caiigat Cayo (“Beware”); and others were manifestos and pamphlets like Viva España, Viva el ejercito, !Fuera los frailes! and Manifiesto que a la noble nacion española dirigen los leales filipinos…”. In 1885, del Pilar urged the cabezas de barangay of Malolos to oppose the order which gave the friars the power to change the list of taxpayers. In 1887, he was able to persuade the governor of Malolos to criticize Fr. Felipe Garcia for violating the directive of the government which prohibited the viewing of the dead in the church (Zaide, 1968:52). In the same year, he sided with the people of Binondo against their parish priest who assigned high positions in the church to the mestizos, to the disadvantage of the natives whose progress was always suppressed and prevented by discrimination and corruption. Together with Doroteo Cortés and Jose Ramos, del Pilar was active in launching the demonstration of March 1, 1888, which was participated in by about 800 people who demanded for the removal of the friars, including the dismissal of their archbishop. In Barcelona, the Imprenta Ibérica de Francisco Fossas published two analytical essays of “Mh. Plaridel,” namely, La soberania monacal en Filipinas (1888) and La frailocracia filipina (1889), which provided convincing arguments of the economic, political and religious dimensions of church management, not unlike the management of business corporations. The colony was portrayed as relentlessly burdened by excessive taxes, other expenses, and the voluntary services rendered by the converts/believers of the missionaries and friars, who became rich to the detriment of the Filipinos. About the tributes and impuestos, del Pilar (Del Pilar, 1974:194195) said that the Filipinos paid direct taxes which consisted of residence certificates, municipal, city and provincial taxes, and indirect taxes levied

74


on markets and stores, vehicles, horses, stamps and fines, slaughter of cows, usage of the river, and others. In addition, duties were also levied during the celebration of religious festivities. The feast/birthday of a patron saint was celebrated lavishly and large amounts were collected for the novena, mass, sermon, procession, music, band, choir, acolytes, bell ringer, curtain, altar, silver candle stands, hanging chandelier, candles, and others. In these celebrations, people used up their saving to spend on things like fireworks. Also to be added to the list are the payments for religious items like rosaries, scapulars, and miraculous objects, which ended up in the pockets of the “fat and overweight friars.” Therefore, Filipinos were contributing thousands of pesos to the monastic fund or treasury. If Christ whipped the traders in the temple in the land of miracles, according to del Pilar, those who are whipped (in the Philippines) are those who refuse to buy the traded goods in the temple (Del Pilar, 1974:194-195). As editor of La solidaridad, a responsibility which Jaena was not able to carry out fully (and which was removed from him in December 1889), del Pilar reiterated the demands of the Filipino ilustrados: that the Philippine islands should be governed well while at the same time pushing for Hispanization and assimilation. Included in the principal demands were the expulsion of the friars and the secularization of the parishes, more rights and social and political freedoms, participation in government, and representation in the Cortés. Like other ilustrados in Spain, del Pilar actively participated in masonry and masonic lodges, which soon after developed as the vehicle or center of liberal thinking supporting anti-clerical and progressive movements (Schumacher, 1991:156-177). The very names of these masonic organizations were indicative of the stance they took against reactionary governance and traditional authority. Among these were the Hijos del progreso (Sons of Progress) of Miguel Morayta, Solidaridad (Solidarity), founded by two Filipinos (Rafael del Pan and Ricardo Ayllon), and Revolución (Revolution), whose membership was largely Filipino. It appears that Celso Mir Deas, a former official of the Spanish Forces in the Philippines who married a Filipina, spearheaded the founding in Barcelona of the organization, Revolución. Other than Mir Deas, who became the editor of El pueblo soberano, a republican newspaper in Barcelona, original members included Graciano Lopez Jaena, M.H. del Pilar, Mariano Ponce, Jose Ma. Panganiban, and two Cubans – Justo Argudin and Juan Jose Cañarte (who were members of Solidaridad in 1886). Cañarte also helped in the newspaper La solidaridad. In 1889, Santiago Icasiano, Ariston Bautista, Galicano Apacible, Damaso Ponce, Ramon Imperial, Agustin Blanco, Domingo Marcelo Cortes and Teodoro Sandiko became new members of Revolución. Masonry became very important to Ponce and Del Pilar, who regarded it as a


75

political instrument which can greatly help in destroying frailocracia and monastic power in the Philippines, and as a vehicle in their campaign against censorship and deportation, and for pressing for Filipino representation in the Cortés. For Mariano Ponce, education was the fundamental aim of masonry, particularly in propagating the importance of cooperation and collective or organized efforts. The association, in the spirit of brotherhood, promoted the expression of common aspirations which are important for the achievement of unity. It was deemed important to educate Filipinos so that they would be able to understand anti-clerical ideas, nationalism and the progressive program of the Propaganda Movement. For del Pilar, there was a need to focus the direction of the masonry to the study of problems related to economic, political and military organization of the country, while giving due attention to the development of new municipal governments. The masonic fraternities were conceived as “think tanks,” which would be at forefront of identifying practical solutions and reforms to improve the general conditions of the country. According to del Pilar, there was a need for a multi-sectoral discussion of problems and potential solutions through conferences to be participated in by experts in their own fields, e.g., businessmen would discuss business or commerce, farmers would discuss agricultural matters, soldiers would give their views on military issues, and so forth. Through these various studies, masonry could become an effective instrument of progress. This framework, however, would not serve as an effective instrument for a revolutionary or separatist movement, which would require a different strategy. Rizal had a different view of masonry. He did not want to delegate to anyone the task of attaining development and peace in the Philippines, other than through self-reliance or efforts emanating from the people themselves. However, del Pilar persisted and in the end he decided to transfer to Madrid, where he revived Solidaridad on December 10, 1889. This was the fraternity he headed but which was also participated in by Rizal and Pedro Serrano Laktaw beginning in December 1890. Under the guidance of del Pilar, the organization actively pursued reforms and the formation of a democratic government in the Philippines through a petition signed by thousands of people and presented to the Cortés in 1895. Del Pilar also tried to propagate masonry in the Philippines through the founding of branches like Nilad and Balagtas of Pedro Serrano Laktaw, Moises Salvador, Timoteo Paez, and Jose Ramos. These organizations in the Philippines closely coordinated with the masonic fraternities of the ilustrados in Spain. The organization Walana was founded in Manila on July 18, 1893, and among its women members were Marina Dizon, Rosario Villaruel, Romualda Lanuza, Sixta Fajardo, Valeriana Legazpi, Purificacion Leyva,

76


Trinidad Rizal, and Josefa Rizal (who became the leader of the women’s chapter of the Katipunan). It was not easy to unite the ilustrados, as was the dream of del Pilar, Ponce and Rizal. There were times when the unity of Filipinos in Spain was like fragile glass. For example, the conflict between del Pilar and Rizal was a major hindrance in the “community” or “colony,” dividing the Filipinos into two camps, the Pilaristas (pro-del Pilar) versus the Rizalistas (proRizal). The conflict may have started when Rizal criticized the Filipino students for their lack of commitment. He was hurt that they were not giving due attention to their studies and to the nationalist campaign led by the editorial staff of La solidaridad. Instead, Rizal noted that they were busy with fashion, gambling and womanizing. Ariston Bautista Lim, for example, was known to have an amulet that was supposed to ensure that no woman would reject him (Joaquin, 1981:48). Leading the playboys was one named Zacarias Robles (Joaquin, 1981:48). Rizal was not remiss in reminding, if not admonishing, the Filipinos in Barcelona and Madrid. He thought that through his example as “a model ilustrado,” he could give moral and intellectual leadership to his compatriots which he attempted to actualize through the organization Indios Bravos. However, on December 31, 1890, in the midst of celebrating new year’s eve, Rizal came out as a boastful person when he refused to offer his copatriots free champagne, followed by his observations of the Filipino students’ lack of enthusiasm in their studies. The following day, the Filipinos proposed to unite the “colony” under one elected president, Rizal or del Pilar. Rizal won, although he was already harboring ill feelings towards del Pilar because of the alleged attempt of his supporters to disown or topple Rizal down from power as the legitimate leader of the Filipino “community” in Spain. In the end, del Pilar had to lead when his “opponent” resigned and ultimately left Madrid for Hong Kong and eventually the Philippines. Rizal refused the attempts by del Pilar and his friend Ferdinand Blumentritt to write again for La solidaridad. According to Rizal, he did not want to waste his time in a project that had no relevance to cure the cancer which was destroying Filipino society, as he depicted and analyzed in his novels, Noli me tangere (Berlin, Germany, 1887) and El filibusterismo (Ghent, Belgium, 1891). Rizal said the remedy or medicine must be brought to the patient (Schumacher, 1973:233). The remedy was not in Madrid, which was what La solidaridad asserted, but in our own country, the real arena of battle. Despite everything, del Pilar still hoped for Rizal’s support who, perhaps because he was steeped in books (Schumacher, 1973:234), seemed to lack the capacity to understand the different ways and temperaments of human beings. For del Pilar, what was important was unity and consensus deriving shared sentiments and aspirations. There


77

were two things to aspire for — the elimination of all obstacles to freedom in the Philippines and the ultimate removal of the Spanish flag (Schumacher, 1973; Del Pilar, 1955; 1958). It may be recalled that it was del Pilar who proposed that Rizal write a letter in Tagalog to the women of Malolos, the townmates of del Pilar (22 February 1889), where the author emphasized the important role played by women in the progress of the country, society, and family (Rizal, 1961:64-73). Despite the opposition and refusal of the friars, the women of Malolos persisted in fighting for the right to have an education. And this was through studying Spanish first, the colonial language, and the means to acquire knowledge and awareness about contemporary events. The latter can be read in the smuggled literature of the Propaganda Movement whose distribution was strictly prohibited by the Comisión permanente de censura. This did not prevent the dissemination of “subversive” readings. In 1892, the constabulary confiscated some copies of El filibusterismo in a simultaneous raid of houses in Bulacan, Pampanga, and Tarlac (Guerrero, 1969:339), which had just recently been visited by Governor Eulogio Despujol. Busy with his research in London, where he composed the famous letter, Rizal (Fischer, 1970) was occupied in detailing his annotations to the chronicle Sucesos de las islas filipinas (Mexico, 1609) of Antonio de Morga, doctor of canonical and civil law (Morga, 1964). Rizal planned to smuggle the book with the help of Jose Maria Basa from Hong Kong to Manila through Manuel Arias Rodriguez, a Spanish mason who owned Agencia editorial. The book had an introduction by the “Filipinologist” Blumentritt (Sichrovsky, 1987), El historiador de Filipinas (Schumacher, 1973:72), a scholar from Austria who became a confidant and close friend of Rizal. The latter undertook research from 1888 in the library of the British Museum in order to discover the important historical sources which would be an effective weapon of the nationalist discourse against the deluge of attacks and insults disseminated by Francisco Gainza, O.P., Vicente Barrantes, Pablo Feced y Temprano alias “Quioquiap,” Miguel Lucio Bustamante, Casimiro Herrero, Gaspar de San Agustin, Francisco Cañamaque and other anti-Filipino Spanish writers whose mental frameworks derived from the popular ideology of racism of the 19th century. For example, Francisco Gainza, O.P., the bishop assigned to the diocese of Nueva Caceres in 1863, proclaimed that the Bicol region owed their natural culture and civilization to the Spanish missionaries who lifted them from their lowly material and moral situation. Because of this, they no longer live in sordid conditions and indignity, which was a far cry from the way of life of their savage ancestors, whose uncivilized state was made worse by ignorance, worship of idols, cruel sacrifices which required that

78


blood be spilled, cursed dances, noisy and indecent celebrations (Schumacher, 1973:192-193). It was Fr. Cura Gaspar de San Agustin who said that the Filipino who descended from the apes, had only half a soul (Schumacher, 1973:64). Author of Recuerdos de Filipinas: Cosas, casos y usos de aquellas islas (Madrid, 1877), Cañamaque wrote that the indolence of the indio/native was beyond remedy; he regarded “the indolence of the natives” as the primary characteristic of the local population which he chastised and loathed. Rizal had a radical reaction to this in his annotation of Morga, and to the two long essays which were published in La solidaridad, Filipinas dentro de cien años (The Philippines a Century Hence, 1889) and Sobre la indolencia de los filipinos (On the Indolence of the Filipinos, 1890). In the first essay, he reminded the colonizing country that the natives had their own government, religion, laws, customs, characteristics, ways of writing, literature and music which would slowly “disappear” with the advent of the “new age” (of terror and disorder) when the Philippines came under the Spanish crown. In the second essay, Rizal told the mocking Spaniards that, in truth, the Spaniards were the hardheaded and lazy ones. To the question, “how do they live in a tropical land?” Rizal provided the answer: “They are surrounded by many helpers, they never walk, instead they always ride in their carriages, and they always need helpers, not only to remove their boots or shoes but to fan them!… they live and eat abundantly, work for themselves alone in order to become rich, with hope in the future, free and respected, while the lowly subjects, the lazy subjects are not eating well, they are without hope, they work for others, and are forced to work and are even raped!” (Rizal, 1961:264). Rizal also said that if there is laziness/indolence on the part of the natives, this resulted from an unprogressive quality of life, and was made worse by oppressive governance. The efforts of Rizal to deepen and enhance knowledge about Philippine history and civilization, including its relation to the Malayan-Polynesian world, led to his founding of the Association Internationale des Philippinistes (“International Association of Filipinologists”), in Paris in 1889, which was composed of scholars from different countries who were interested in the Philippines as a field of expertise (Zaide, 1968:34-35; Schumacher, 1973:208212; Guerrero, 1969:221-222). The primary objective of the group was the study of the Philippines from a scientific and historical perspective. Among the planned activities were regular conferences and lectures, public contests about topics related to the Archipelago, and to try to put up a museum and library whose contents will focus on the Philippines. Rizal planned to call for an international congress in August 1889, simultaneous with the Paris Exposition, where well-known experts and scholars would discuss the following topics: (1) pre-Hispanic times (before


79

1521), (2) from the time of discovery to the loss of Filipino independence (1521-1808), (3) from the loss of independence to the Rebellion in Cavite (1808-1872), and (4) Linguistics (Tagalog, Visaya, Iloko, Ibanag, Kapampangan, Pangasinan, and others). The leadership of the association was composed of Ferdinand Blumentritt (President), Edmund Plauchut (French, Vice President), Antonio Regidor and Reinhold Rost (the latter was an English born in Germany) as advisers, and Rizal (as Secretary). Through Blumentritt, Rizal also met Adolf B. Meyer (Director of the Ethnographic Museum of Dresden), Rudolf Virchow (an anthrolopologist who was active in the liberal movement in Germany), Feodor Jagor (he was in the Philippines in 1859-1860 and author of Reisen in den Philippinen, 1873), and Wilhelm Joest (an expert in ethnography). Rizal also became a member of Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, with the help of Virchow, president of the organization. In April 1887, he read a paper in front of the assembly regarding the art of Tagalog poetry. He also published, with the help of Rost, articles which featured the folklore of the Tagalogs in Trübner’s Record, a field which interested Hendrik Kern, professor of Sanskrit and Javanese in the University of Leiden (Holland) and an expert in Malayan-Polynesian languages. Kern was born in Java in 1883 and died in Utrecht in 1917 at the age of 84 (Kern, 1998:10). He studied Tagalog closely and he read a paper about its use in the national literature in an international conference of orientalists held in Stockholm, Sweden (Schumacher, 1973:211). Rizal heard of Kern from Blumentritt but he was not sure whether they will meet in person. The international conference did not push through because the French government limited the number of conferences related to the Paris Exposition in 1889. The association did not also last long because Rizal was also busy in his work annotating Morga. Also, the financial support from the Philippines, which Rizal expected in April 1890, did not arrive because his family was seriously involved in an agrarian dispute in Calamba, which resulted in his family’s dismissal from the hacienda owned by the Dominican order. Rizal went back to the Philippines to found the reformist La liga filipina in Tondo on July 3, 1892. The following were the objectives of the new organization which were embodied in the constitution prepared by Rizal in Hong Kong: (1) unite the whole Archipelago into a strong, stable, and common group of citizens, (2) support one another in times of need, (3) put up a defense against all kinds of oppression/violence, (4) revitalize education, agriculture, and commerce, and (5) study and implement the planned reforms (Agoncillo, 1980:154). La liga was short-lived. The authorities considered it subversive. On July 7, 1892, Rizal was arrested and exiled to

80


Dapitan, Zamboanga, in northwestern Mindanao, where he stayed for four years. It was in 1896 when Rizal was sentenced to death by firing squad for the crime of rebellion, sedition, and founding an illegal association. This was according to the military court that tried him. He was shot in Bagumbayan (now Luneta) on December 30, 1896 because of his being an ecrivain engagé (committed writer), and his political ideas which criticized or exposed the graft and corruption in the government. However, before his death, Rizal wrote Mi ultimo adios (My Last Farewell) (de Veyra, 1946:87-92), a poem written in Spanish. The text of the poem seems to suggest that his return to the Philippines was just physical or external. It appears that his will, essence and soul were still connected to the western idea of patria (which he repeated five times), not in Inang Bayan (Motherland) but rather in patria adorada, in querida patria, in patria idolatrada, left behind if not forgotten in his “father” Spain, which for a long time was the adopted nation of the Filipino ilustrados. It seems that Rizal did not consider or was not conscious that the reason for returning to the Philippines (Querida Filipinas in the 13th stanza of Mi Ultimo Adios), was the more fundamental return to Bayan (people, country), and not to the patria or nación of the west.

REFERENCES Agoncillo, Teodoro 1980 Ang Pilipinas at ang Mga Pilipino: Noon at Ngayon. Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co., Inc. 1974

Filipino Nationalism, 1872-1970. Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co.

Alejandrino, Jose 1949 The Price of Freedom. Translated into English by Jose M. Alejandrino. Manila: M. Colcol & Company. Alzona, Encarnacion 1971 Galicano Apacible: Profile of A Filipino Patriot. The Heirs of Galicano Apacible. Bustamante, Miguel Lucio 1996 Si Tandang Basio Macunat. “Modernisadong Bersyon” ng Aklat Bulawan. Quezon City: Sentro ng Wikang Filipino. 1885

Si Tandang Basio Macunat. Manila: Imp. de Amigos del Pais.


81

Del Pilar, Marcelo 1974 "Monastic Supremacy in the Philippines." Translated into English by E. Alzona. In Filipino Nationalism, 1872-1970. By T. Agoncillo. Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co. 1958

Epistolario de Marcelo H. del Pilar. Manila: Imprenta del Gobierno. Tomo II.

1955

Epistolario de Marcelo H. del Pilar. Manila: Imprenta del Gobierno. Tomo I.

De Veyra, Jaime 1946 “El ultimo adiós” de Rizal: Estudio Critico-Expositivo en Dos Partes. Manila: Bureau of Printing. Fischer, Georges 1970 Jose Rizal, 1861-1896: Un aspect du nationalisme moderne. Paris: François Maspero. Guerrero, Leon Ma. 1969 The First Filipino: A Biography of Jose Rizal. Manila: Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission. Jaena, Graciano Lopez 1974 Speeches, Articles and Letters. Translated into English by E. Alzona. Manila: National Historical Institute. Joaquin, Nick 1981 A Question of Heroes. Manila: National Book Store. Kern, Hendrik 1998 “The Philippines in Rizal’s Time.” Translated from Dutch by Antoon Postma. In 1898: The Shaping of Philippine History, II(17):10-17. Larkin, John 1993 The Pampangans: Colonial Society in a Philippine Province. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. Manuel, E. Arsenio 1970 Dictionary of Philippine Biography. Vol. II. Quezon City: Filipiniana Publications. 1955

Dictionary of Philippine Biography. Vol. I. Quezon City: Filipiniana Publications.

Mojares, Resil 1982 Origins and Rise of the Filipino Novel: A Generic Study of the Novel until 1940. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press. Morga, Antonio de 1964 Mga Pangyayari sa Sangkapuluang Pilipinas… 1609. Manila: National Heroes Commission.

82


Quirino, Carlos 1995 Who’s Who in Philippine History. Manila: Tahanan Books. Retana, Wenceslao 1965 “Press Censorship in the Philippines.”Translated into English by Alfonso Lecaros y del Mundo. In The Philippine Colophon, (January - June):26-52. (Also published in Nuestro Tiempo, Madrid, 1907.) Rizal, Jose 1961 Mga Akdang Pampulitika at Pangkasaysayan. Manila:National Commission on the Centenary of Jose Rizal. Salazar, Zeus 1998 The Malayan Connection: Ang Pilipinas sa Dunia Melayu. Quezon City: Palimbagan ng Lahi. 1983

The Ethnic Dimension: Essays on Philippine Culture, History and Psychology. Cologne: Counselling Center for Filipinos.

Sancianco y Goson, Gregorio 1975 The Progress of the Philippines. Translated into English by E. Alzona. Manila: National Historical Institute. San Juan, Epifanio 1974 Introduction to Modern Pilipino Literature. New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc. Schumacher, John 1991 The Making of a Nation: Essays on Nineteenth-Century Filipino Nationalism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press. 1981

Revolutionary Clergy: The Filipino Clergy and the Nationalist Movement, 1850-1903. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press.

1973

The Propaganda Movement, 1880-1895. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press.

Sichrovsky, Harry 1987 Ferdinand Blumentritt, An Austrian Life for the Philippines: The Story of Jose Rizal’s Closest Friend and Companion. Manila: National Historical Institute. Teodoro, Noel 1998 “Rizal and Kartini,” Public Policy, April-June, II(2):117-129. Zaide, Gregorio 1968 The Philippine Revolution. Manila: The Modern Book Company.

Rizal and the Ilustrados in Spain - Scalabrini Migration Center

Recommend Documents